I brought the big horse to a whispering stop
in the red Texas dust alongside the cabin on the San Saba River. The cabin was
bathed in a rosy glow from the June twilight trickling through the grove of
grizzled oak trees surrounding it. A sweltering breeze rustled the tree leaves
and a birds beak was thumping against a tree trunk somewhere in the canopy as
I stepped out into the dry Texas heat. Down in the green grasses along the
river bank, a bull frog was blenching muffled croaks and across the river two
brown mares were standing shock-still in grass up to their knees, craning their
long necks to see who was intruding. I went around the Lincoln and climbed the
steps to the cabins plank porch. That morning before sunrise I had flown out
of Los Angeles and, reaching San Antonio in the afternoon, had driven one
hundred and forty miles, through Fredericksburg and Fort Mason and the San Saba
Hills, to the cabin on the edge of the great American prairie.
been kicking the big Lincolns up and down the old country roads since 1985,
through Carolina, Virginia, Maryland and Pennsylvania, pursuing the enigma of
General Lee, and now the roads had brought me to the San Saba and the end.
of the San Saba River was where the Comanches might have set their lodge poles
150 years ago. Before 1840, the Comanche people were 20,000 strong and by
grouping themselves into tribes, they dominated the territory of the Great Plains from the headwaters of the Missouri to the Rio Grande. The tribes were broken
down into semi-autonomous clans which lived on the great bison herd that grazed
on the grasses of the Plains. In the searing heat of the summers, the herd
gravitated toward the cooler climate of the high plains in the Dakotas. In the fall, when the arctic winds swept into the plains, it migrated south across
the Red, Brazos and Colorado rivers, to the reaches of the San Saba hills at
the Southern edge of the Great Plains.
bands of the Pehnahterkuh (wasp) and Penateka (honey eaters) Comanche which
followed the bison herd the farthest south, traditionally established their
winter camps along the banks of the Clear Fork of the Brazos River about 100
miles north of the San Saba. By the 1850's, when the Comanches' control of the
Plains territory had been broken by the power of the whites, their warrior
ranks were thinned almost to the point of extinction by the horrible diseases
the white immigrants brought with them onto the Plains. The survivors spilt
into two camps: the aggressive majority made their base north of the Brazo on
the Red River and continued to strike at the whites. The passive minoritythe
band led by the chieftain Ketumseekept their camp in the valley of the Clear
as the whites intensified their efforts to eradicate those Comanches still
roaming free on the Plains, Ketumsee's band moved further south to the area
between the Colorado and the San Saba, and still later made its camp south of
the San Saba hills along Comanche creek which joins the Llano just below Fort Mason,
at the edge of the Balcones Scarp
the mustangs of the Conquistadors appeared on the Plains in the 16th Century,
the land of the Comanches was limited to a corridor along the Platte River in eastern Wyoming where they lived an essentially sedentary life. When they
mastered the power of the horse, however, the Comanche spread across the entire
expanse of the Great Plains. Out there, on the immense prairie beyond the San
Saba cabin, hundreds of years back in time, the red men used the power of the
horse to coalesce into a political society which spread its dominance across
the vast region of the Plains to the southern edges where the desert began.
beginning of the 17th Century, the Spanish Crown send soldiers and Franciscans
north from Mexico toward the edge of the Plains to establish missions, which
could be used as a base of operations to establish a trade route between the
Spanish towns south of the Rio Grande and the French, who had established towns
a thousand miles distant in the region east of the Mississippi. To accomplish
this, the Franciscans built four missions within supporting distance of each
other along the banks of the San Antonio River, and the soldiers built a fort
which they called Presido San Antonio de Bejar.
1757, the Spanish crown attempted to subjugate the Comanche by establishing an
outpost on the San Saba River 140 miles north of its stronghold of San Antonio. Franciscan fathers from the four missions surrounding the Presidio of San
Antonio were sent to the headwaters of the San Saba. Once there the Franciscans
constructed a fort and log mission. The following spring two thousand mounted
Comanche warriors, with streaks of black marking their faces, came storming
down upon the mission and killed the Franciscans. Two years later, the Spanish
assembled a force of six hundred men, composed of Apache, Mexican militia and
soldiers, and sent it north from San Antonio to avenge the massacre of the
Franciscans. At the Red River the expedition came upon a mass of Indians
waiting behind breastworks with a mounted force in reserve. Unnerved by the
strength opposed to them and the isolation of their position, the Spanish
forces fled back to San Antonio.
1779, a Spanish officer, Don Juan Bautista de Anza, assembled a regiment size
force in New Mexico, and marched north from Santa Fe toward the Red River.
Again the Comanche assembled a resisting force behind the Red River to meet the
Spanish threat; but instead of confronting the Comanches head-on, de Anza circled
far to the north to strike directly at their encampments located deep on the
Northern plains east of the Rockies. His successes resulted in a truce in which
the Comanches adopted the policy of trade with the New Mexico Spaniards:in
exchange for the privilege of traveling through Comancheria to the Mississippi, the Spaniards kept their settlements south of Taos and peace reigned in the province of New Mexico. But not in Texas. The Comanche continued to relentlessly attack
the Spaniards in the Texas territory by riding down from the Prairie and around
San Antonio, to depreciate the rancheros situated below San Antonio on the Gulf Coast.
strategic situation between the two cultures remained unchanged until 1810,
when Father Miguel Hidalgo initiated Mexico's revolution against the rule of
the Spanish Crown. After several years of warfare between the Mexicans and the
Spanish forces, the Mexicans established a new government in Mexico. In January 1824, the United States of Mexico was established under a constitution
which organized the separate Spanish provinces of Texas and Coahuila into one
stateEstado de Coahuila y Tejaswith Saltillo as its capital.
these political events were playing out, Moses Austin came from Missouri to San Antonio. Austin petitioned the Spanish governor for a permit to settle
300 families in the central hill country. Austin's idea was to personally
finance the settlement of the immigrants on the land and take profit by
obtaining land grants as consideration from the Mexican government for bringing
immigrants into Texas. Others quickly followed Austin's example and obtained
similar grants to bring families into the province. By 1824, the National
legislature in Mexico City passed the Act for Colonization, which provided that
the governor of the state of Coahuila and Texas could appoint agents for the
purpose of bringing families to Texas to settle in the region northeast of the
Neces River; in exchange the agents would receive personal grants of land.
Soon, Europeans and Americans were pouring into the land of the Comanches.
1833, Stephen Austin, Moses's son, claimed the paper right to colonize an area
between the Brazos and Colorado Rivers, from their mouths to their headwaters.
This area was the winter range of the Comanches. With Austin's help, Green
DeWitt was granted the authority to bring in four hundred families into the
area between San Antonio and Austin's colony. The Mexican government placed
over 75,000 acres in escrow for DeWitt, title to 25% of the acreage to be
delivered to him upon proof that a hundred families were settled in the
territory. Between 1833 and 1840, Austin's right to colonize portions of this
area passed through several hands until two Germans, Fischer and Mueller,
transferred colonization rights regarding the hill country north of San Antonio to German nationals who established a company to finance the immigrants'
passage from Europe to Texas.
the first of the German immigrants to occupy the land were slaughtered by the
Comanches, the company was turned over to new leadership which obtained tracts
of land closer to San Antonio. After their line of communication with San Antonio was secure, these German immigrants successfully established the town of Fredericksburg which they located in the southern borderland of Comancheria.
mid-1840s, after the immigrants had revolted from Mexican control and
established the Republic of Texas, the white population around Fredericksburg had become so concentrated that they began to creep north of the Llano
toward the San Saba hills, spurs of the Gaudalupe Mountains, to edge of the Great Plains. Later, when the Republic of Texas joined the Union as a state, the U. S. Army
established Fort Mason in 1851 and the whites quickly established a settlement
next to it and began to push their farms and ranches further north toward the
San Saba River. In 1858, Mason County was established with the county seat
located at Fort Mason.
then, the resistance of the Comanches against the encroachment of the whites
into their winter camp grounds began to rapidly crumble. de Anza's successes at
stabilizing the New Mexico frontier, in the 1790's, was duplicated in Texas
when a paramilitary force known as the "Texas Rangers" was
established in the 1840s. Taking advantage of Colt's new
"six-shooter," the rangers adopted the tactic of meeting the Indians'
charge head-on; face to face with the Comanches, in a swirling mass of men and
horses, the rangers could thumb the hammers of their pistols just as fast as
the Comanches, hanging under the necks of their galloping horses, could loose
arrows from their bowstrings.
rangers quickly recognized, however, that disrupting Comanche war parties did
not diminish the will of the Comanche clans to organize new excursions into Texas. Following de Anza's example in New Mexico, the rangers were soon attacking and
killing Comanche women and children left alone in the encampments behind the Colorado while the warriors were marauding against settlements south of San Antonio. As the
decade of the 1840s passed, the pressure of the rangers, compounded by the
increasing numbers of white immigrants in Texas who brought with them American
technology and the biological terror of epidemic diseases, relentlessly
diminished the power of the Comanche to retain their control of their
traditional hunting ranges.
March 1840, the Comanche bands along the Colorado authorized their chiefs to
propose to the government of the new Republic of Texas that a peace conference
be held. The government invited the Comanche bands to San Antonio under a flag
of truce. The government representatives demanded that, as a sign of good
faith, the Comanche leaders bring to San Antonio all of the white women and
children they had captured over the years and held as slaves. Expecting the
negotiation over the white slaves to consume much time and ceremony, the Comanche
war chiefs came to San Antonio with their families.
the Comanche chiefs arrived in San Antonio, twenty lodges were set up in the
plaza in the center of the small adobe town. The Comanches entered the plaza
with one white captive, sixteen year old Matilda Lockhart. She and her three
year old sister had been carried away two years earlier. The Lockhart girl had
been sexually assaulted by warriors and tortured by the Comanche women who held
torches to her face and body; they had burnt off Lockhart's nose to the bone.
Lockhart told the Texans that many more white women and children were held
captives by the bands in their encampments beyond San Antonio. When the peace
conference opened in a building on the plaza, the Texans had determined to hold
the Comanche chiefs hostage if they would not immediately release the captives.
Mook-war-ruh, the chief chosen by the bands as their spokesman, began to explain
the list of items the bands would accept in consideration for the release of
the captives. His speech was cut off quickly by the Republic of Texas officials who told the chiefs they were prisoners. When the chiefs realized armed
soldiers were stationed outside the room at the open windows and others were
attempting to enter the room, they began to chant the Comanche war hoop of rah, rah, rah. . . and
scrambled to their feet, rushing at the soldiers crowding in the doorway. As
the chiefs struggled to break through the doorway into the open, the soldiers
discharged their muskets pointblank into their faces, while the chiefs released
their bowstrings, driving the shafts of their arrows feather deep into the
bodies of the soldiers.
Most of the Comanches and several of the
soldiers and white bystanders were killed in the council room fight.
chiefs escaped into the plaza outside where their families were gathered. As
they emerged, the Comanche women and children attempted to support the chiefs
by grabbing weapons and striking at white bystanders, but more soldiers
appeared from the back streets of the old Spanish town and shot them down. The
soldiers killed thirty-three Comanche men, women and children. When the
comanche survivors reached their encampment north of San Antonio, the people in
the village began to shout and scream for an immediate retaliation. The absence
of their war chiefs, however, left the remaining warriors, about 400 strong, in
a state of confusion. They rushed to the suburbs of San Antonio and blocked its
exits but they were unwilling to venture into the narrow streets to attack the
defenders who had barricaded themselves in the main plaza.
situation remained at a stand-off for several weeks. The indians controlled the
perimeter of the town, but were unwilling to risk an offensive operation to
storm the Texans holed up inside. The Texans were unwilling to attempt to
defeat the Indians by offensive action outside the town. During this period the
two sides grudgingly exchanged hostages, but the situation remained explosive.
Finally, the Pehnahterkuh began an apparent withdrawal toward the Colorado; but the Pehnahterkuh warriors held councils with the other bands as they moved
north. In these councils, the Peneteka war chief, Pochanaw-quoip, emerged as an
acceptable coalition leader who all the bands would follow in an retaliatory
effort against the Texans.
strategic problem the Comanches faced, in launching a strike at the Texans, was
clear. Returning to San Antonio and fighting the whites in the streets of the
town was out of the question because what gave the Comanches parity with the
Texans in a battle, was their skill at light cavalry tactics, not skill at
consideration of the topography of South Texas made it plain to Pochanaw-quoip
what course of action he should propose to the warriors. On the east side of San Antonio lay DeWitt's colony bordering the Guadalupe River and Austin's main colony
northeast of it, straddling the Colorado. Below DeWitt's colony, at Lavaca Bay on the Gulf coast, one hundred miles south of San Antonio, there was a supply
depot that the assembled bands could reach in several days' march. Along the
line of the march, the 400 warriors present could sweep through the countryside,
seizing horses and mules and killing or taking captive as many of the whites as
possible. Once the depot was looted and burned, the band could return directly
north with the horse herd and captured materiel through DeWitt's colony, to the
1840, the remnants of the Pehnahterkuh and Penateka bands moved down from the
San Saba Hills and around the four missions of San Antonio and set out on the
road to Galiod moving southeastward toward the Gulf of Mexico. Everything in
the path of the Comanche Army was destroyed. The Comanche warriors swept up
thousands of horses and many mules as the Army moved south. Reaching the
vicinity of Goliad, they turned eastward and killed and took captives as they
passed through the outskirts of the town of Victoria. The Indian force
continued east to Linns' Landing at Lavaca Bay, the supply depot for San Antonio, and looted and burned the place. The captured mules were loaded with bolts of
cloth, cooking utensils, firearms, ammunition and precious metals; then the
Comanches formed column to start north toward the sanctuary above the Colorado.
Pochanaw-quoip didn't need to read a map to
calculate which route north provided the best opportunity for a successful
escape from Texas. He had no reason to doubt that once the warriors began their
strike, the alarm would be spread and the Texans would attempt to block the
Comanches' movement toward the upper reaches of the Colorado by concentrating
in front of their line of march in the prairie somewhere near the road leading
from San Antonio to Austin's colony. To the West, the Gaudalupe Mountains came close to San Antonio. Comanche raiding parties had traditionally passed through
these mountains to raid the Spanish villages in Coahuila south of the Neces River. But to move west to the Neces River and then north along the Comanche Trace
through the pass in the Guadalupe Mountains required the long indian column to
traverse many more miles to reach safety than would be required if the column
moved directly north from the Gulf.
Comanche warrior ordinarily could ride at a gallop one hundred miles without
stopping; switching on the run from one of the ponies in his string to another.
But the Comanche horsemen, encumbered with camp followers and supplies, could
not easily move rapidly north if they wished to retain the materiel seized at Lavaca Bay. The practical thing for them to do, Pachanaw-quoip recognized, was to push
their column directly north toward the Colorado and by breaking up into small
groups, avoid a blocking force moving east from San Antonio to intersect the Indians'
line of march.
sooner had Pachanaw-quoip issued the order for the Comanche Army to move north,
but militia from DeWitt's colony appeared on the flanks of the column. Shadowed
by the militia, the Comanches tramped north in a billowing cloud of choking
dust. Messengers were sent to San Antonio and Austin's colony with the news of
the Indians' line of march. With the population of San Antonio at 1,000 and Austin's colony at 300, the whites could muster only 100 men to concentrate in the
days later, on August 11, 1840, Texas soldiers and local militias met the red men
in a dismounted position behind a creek and opened rifle fire. The Comanches
quickly formed a defensive perimeter anchored by a clump of woods on the right
flank while their dust-choked column continued moving north. After a few
volleys across the lines, the Comanche warriors withdrew through the woods,
mounted their horses and galloped off with the Texans in hot pursuit. The
Comanche column then broke up into small groups which scattered in the maze of
thickets that sprinkled the prairie, each rider controlling a string of several
horses and pack mules. The warriors bringing up the rear counter-charged the
whites, slowing the pursuit, which allowed the rest of the band, with the women
and captives, to escape through the thickets. The Texans suffered 1 dead and 8
wounded and claimed 40 Indians were killed. Only one dead body of a Comanche
warrior was found, however.
the withdrawal of Pochanaw-quoip's band across the Colorado, all of the
Comanche bands moved further north and eventually crossed the Red River
boundary of Texas into the Louisiana Territory of the United States. By the 1840's, the division of the Louisiana Territory into sections had
resulted in the admission of the states of Arkansas, Louisiana and Missouri in the Union. The U. S. Congress had not yet attempted to organize the region
north of the Platte, but the region south of the Platte and west of the
Mississippi had been organized into sections for use by the Cherokees, Choctaws
and Chickasaws who were forcibly removed from their homelands east of the
Mississippi. These lands were in northwestern Arkansas territory lying on the
White and Arkansas Rivers. A narrow tract as an outlet indefinitely west was
the Creeks were forced from their lands in Georgia and Alabama and moved into
the region between the Red and Canadian Rivers. In 1831, the Seneca Indian band
and some Shawnees, living in Ohio, were moved into land lying west of Missouri and north of the Cherokees. In 1844, the Seminoles arrived in the region from Florida. The tribes of the Delawares, Kickapoo, Ottawa, Pottawatomie, Munsee, Chippewa,
Wea, Piankesha, Peoria and Kaskasia also were forced from the east to settle in
the region along the Platte River. Later, the Otoe, Missouri, Omaha, Mianis,
Sacs, Fox and Pawnee tribes were forced to accept tracts in the region.
their exodus from Texas in 1840, the remnants of the Comanche tribes roamed
between the Rockies and the indian territory of the subjugated Eastern tribes
until 1846 when their war chiefs signed a treaty with the United States at Council Springs near the Brazos River.
treaty stipulated that the Comanches were prohibited from trading with anyone
not licensed by the United States, that they release all captive whites and
negroes and that they cease all depredations against the whites, but its terms
said nothing about the issue of the Comanches' ownership of the vast tract of
land the tribe had dominated since the time of the Conquistadors.
After signing the
treaty, the majority of the Comanches returned to the traditional nomadic life
of the Plains while a small minority, led by the chieftain Ketumsee, attempted
to settle permanently in the valley of the Clear Fork on the Brazos in North Texas.
effort was doomed to fail. A hundred thousand white immigrants were moving
westward over the Oregon Trail, southward on the Santa Fe Trail, and hordes of
prospectors were rushing into the Rockies, the resulting pressure on resources
squeezing the Comanches into oblivion.
Suddenly, I was startled from my thoughts of the
Comanches by something rustling through the sage brush behind the cabin. Going
inside, I crossed the room to a window and, looking out, saw a group of mule
deer slowly moving through the oak trees, nibbling at the brown grasses. Their
heads shot up as I appeared at the window and they fixed their eyes on me.
Neither of us moved. We watched each other for a time and then, satisfied I was
harmless, the deer dipped their heads to the ground again.
When I again reached the cabin porch, the last purple
rays of the setting sun were fading into a blackness spreading across the
prairie toward cabin. The branches of the oak trees formed a gray lattice work
against the sky. I lit a few candles that I found in the kitchen cabinets and
placed them, along with a plate and utensils, on the little round table on the
porch. Beside the cabin, I found a barbecue pit with a butane burner, got it
going, and decided a steak, baked potato and a little wine and cheese would
make a good evening end after the long day. Soon I was sitting cross-legged on
the chair, a towel across my lap, cutting into a thick Texas beef steak.
a sudden, the oscillating sounds of grasshoppers broke the heavy silence the
birds had left behind when the dusk stopped their songs. The wave of sound
seemed to sweep back and forth across the clearing, then down the sloping river
bank and back again, all the while increasing in volume until it registered the
beat of millions and millions of little wings frantically rubbing in unison in the
Texas heat; stringing out a melody as sweet and sensual as that of Ravels
Bolero. Off in the distance somewhere in the fields on the far bank of the
shallow river, a hound dog began a baleful howl.
steak finished, the night closing in now around the little cabin, I lit a
Fruentes cigar, poured Benedictine into a tumbler glass and, leaning the chair
back against the wall, let my mind slip back to the story of the Comanches and
Lee and Ketumsee, the Comanche chief, had met once, not far from the little
grove of oak trees that amplified for my solitary entertainment, the
grasshoppers' whining composition. Each man belonged to a political society in
which he was a member of the master class. When they met, in the spring of
1856, the power of Ketumsee's class had been long since crushed by the
irrepressible force of the new Americans. The power of Robert Lee's class soon
the United States annexed Texas, in December 1845, the U.S. Army established a
cordon of forts on the southern perimeter of Comancheria. With the center at
Fort Mason, the cordon ran from Fort Belknap, high on the Salt Fork of the
Brazos, to Phantom Hill, on the Clear Fork, then to Fort Chadborn near the
headwaters of the Colorado, then to Fort McKavett, 50 miles south on the San
Saba, and to Fort Terrett on the headwaters of the Llano. Between Fort Phantom
Hill and Fort Belknap, Camp Cooper was set up on the Clear Fork to monitor the
lodges of Ketumsee's Comanche band strung along its banks.
purpose of the cordon was twofold: it provided the Army with the means to interdict
the routes the Northern Comanche used to come down into Texas and kill the
white immigrants who had settled on the outlying lands around San Antonio, and
it provided protection to the Comanches who drifted back toward the San Saba
hills and attempted to establish a peaceful, permanent presence in the region.
On March 3, 1855, at the request of Jefferson Davis, who was then Secretary of War in
Fillmore's administration, Congress authorized the organization of two new
regiments of light Calvary. One of these, the Second Cavalry, was assigned to
operate out of the cordon of forts girdling Comancheria and Lee became its lieutenant
the Second Calvary was established, Robert E. Lee was completing a three year
stint as Superintendent of the Military Academy at West Point. In 1855, he was
48 years old. He had begun his army career 30 years earlier, in 1825, when he
entered the Army as an 18 year old cadet at West Point. At his graduation from West Point, in 1829, Bobby Lee ranked at the top of his class in civil engineering and
mathematics and was commissioned as a Second Lieutenant of Engineers. Between
1829 and 1846, his assigned duties were limited to fortification and surveying
work at Savannah, Hampton Roads, Washington, St. Louis and New York. In 1846,
when the United States warred with Mexico over the annexation of Texas, he served for six months as an engineer on the headquarters staffs of General Wool
and General Scott. When the war ended, in 1847, Lee returned to the Engineering
Department at Washington where he remained until he was appointed Superintendent
of West Point in 1852.
of capping his long military career as an engineering officer, with the position
of West Point Superintendent, and retiring from the Army to his wife's home at Arlington on the bluffs of the Potomac overlooking Washington city, Lee accepted Jefferson
Davis's offer of a commission as Lt. Colonel of the Second Calvary.
Second Calvary regiment was formed at Jefferson Barracks in April of 1855 and
it marched from St. Louis to Texas, in October 1855, with its Colonel, Albert
Sidney Johnson. Johnson had been Secretary of War of the Republic of Texas but had returned to active service in the U.S. Army when Texas was admitted into the Union in 1850. When the regiment reached Texas, in January 1856, it established its
headquarters at Fort Mason. Lee followed in February 1856.
Soon after Lee
arrived at Fort Mason, he organized a column of two companies of soldiers for
an expedition to the Brazos River, where the Texas State government had
established a reservation for the Comanches. Delaware Indians accompanied the
column as scouts. The column traveled up the military road in the San Saba
hills, and north through the rolling hills and shallow
mesquite valleys which step upward in elevation toward the Colorado and then it
moved on across the prairie 100 miles to the valley of the Clear Fork, about 30
miles from its junction with the Brazos.
cavalry column reached the valley, the floor was covered with grass and wild
flowers. The floor sloped gently upward from the meandering stream flowing
through it, toward grey limestone palisades. Thick stands of pecan and black walnut
trees crowned the steep clay banks of the stream, providing timber suitable for
fuel and building purposes. Along the left bank, Indian lodges were scattered
across the floor of the valley and beyond the lodges, hundreds of horses grazed
over the rich grassy slopes. Smoke spiraled upwards from cooking fires set in
front of the lodges. Warriors lounged about the lodges in twos and threes,
while the women carried on their domestic chores and the children ran down the
lanes between the lodges with their dogs.
column of horse soldiers came to a halt on the right bank of the stream,
several miles down the valley from the Indian camp. While the troopers unloaded
the supplies and material from the wagons, the officers staked the outlines of
the camp. By the end of the day, four rows of tents had been erected for the
troopers and one row for the officers which was placed perpendicular to the
troopers' tents. Lee's tent was set up by itself some distance behind the
officers' tent row. The tent was furnished with an iron camp bed, a small desk,
chair and washstand. The horses were tethered at a tree line behind Officer's
Row. The camp was known as Camp Cooper after Samuel Cooper, the Adjutant
General of the Army.
following day, General Lee rode to meet the Comanche chieftain Ketumsee. By
1856, the tribe of the Southern Comanches had been reduced to about 2000 people
divided into two bands led by Ketumsee and Senaco. Ketumsee's band totaled
about 500, 75 of which were warriors. Senaco's band remained out on the prairie
north of the Red River, following the old way of life. Frequently, groups of
his warriors would pass west of the Clear Fork on raids towards the Rio Grande. The purpose of establishing Camp Cooper between Fort Belkamp on the Brazos and Fort Chadborn on the Colorado was to provide a quick reaction force to intercept
Senaco's raiding parties and to protect Ketumsee's band from attacks by white
settlers who were staking out farms and ranches in the region.
Lee reached the Comanche camp he rode directly through the village to
Ketumsee's lodge, which was marked with bright yellow pictographs and set apart
some distance from the other lodges. Narrow hipped and broad shouldered,
General Lee sat straight and square in the saddle with his legs, barely bent at
the knees, extending straight down to the stirrups. The reins were held in his
left hand and his right arm hung loosely down. He wore a dark blue jacket,
discolored by the sweat of many blistering days on the march north from the San
Saba, and pale blue pants, with a yellow band down the sides, tucked into the
flaps of his black cavalry boots. He carried a short sword in a scabbard on
his left side fixed to his belt and a Navy Colt revolver
in a holster on his right. A tan broad-brimmed hat bearing the crossed-saber
insignia of the U.S. Calvary covered his jet black hair and partially shaded
his round face, which was clean shaven except for a black mustache that covered
his upper lip, drooping slightly beyond the corners of his mouth. He had bushy
black eyebrows accentuating his dark brown eyes, a wide temple and a roman nose.
Comanche chieftain was standing outside the lodge entrance with his six
buckskin clad wives as Lee approached. Like Lee, Ketumsee was a fine looking
man, about 55 years of age. He stood over six feet tall and was powerfully
built in the upper body, intelligent and very serious in appearance with a dark
bronze complexion. A long tail of braided buffalo hair hung down from a bunch
of eagle feathers fastened to the crown of his head. He wore a checkered, green
cotton shirt tucked into brown corduroy leggings with a breech cloth and
buckskin moccasins. A long ornately carved pipe was cradled in his left arm.
Ketumsee raised his right hand in greeting as the blue-coated commander reined
his horse to a halt in front of the lodge.
swung smoothly down from his saddle, letting the reins trail on the ground, and
stepped toward Ketumsee; their eyes met as the tall Comanche strode forward and
embraced him, touching cheeks.
At Ketumsee's invitation, General Lee
entered the lodge and sat down with the Comanche chief on a thick pile of
buffalo skins which were spread over the ground. More robes and animal skins
were piled along the perimeter of the lodge. A short bow and quiver of arrows,
a long steel-tipped lance with a round ornamented shield covered with raw
buffalo hide and a war club hung from the lodge poles on leather straps. Embers
glowed in a small pit lined with stones in the center of the lodge. Squatting
on the buffalo robes, Ketumsee drew in silence a slender stick of wood from a
bundle lying next to his knees and pressed it into the embers until the sap
flamed; then he touched it to the bowl of his pipe and sucked at the stem.
Exhaling a thick cloud of gray smoke at the feet of his visitor, the red man
passed the pipe to Lee who accepted it with a stiff grimace.
was to the manor born. He thought the Indian race was subhuman, worthless and
uninteresting. Passing the pipe back impatiently, he spoke first. In an
imperious tone, he told Ketumsee that as the commander of the troopers
stationed at Camp Cooper, he expected Ketumsee to keep his warriors on the
reservation and encourage them to learn how to farm and raise cattle, and to
leave the wild life of the Comanche behind them; if they caused no trouble, the
American Government would continue to provide supplies until they became
self-sufficient, but if they were found off the reservation the soldiers at
Camp Cooper would punish them.
eyes with his visitor in the shadowy light of the lodge, Ketumsee thought of
the time not so long before when his warriors, in coalition with the other
Comanche bands, would have known the moment the column of yellow-legged
soldiers left Fort Mason, and attacked it before it reached the Colorado 100
miles south of the Clear Fork. Then, the Comanche warriors were the lords of the
immense domain which stretched from the Platte to the Rio Grande, dictating who
came onto the Southern plains and who did not. Now, the army behind this
blue-coated officer sitting in Ketumsees tent was pushing the Comanche nation
sat impassively while General Lee made his speech. When he was finished, after
a long pause of silence, Ketumsee answered it. Ketumsee recalled his meetings
with other American soldiers, like Colonel R. B. Marcy who explored through Texas in 1854, and with Jim Neighbors, the U.S. Government agent, who persuaded Ketumsee to
bring his band permanently to the land Texas reserved for the Comanche on the
Clear Fork. Ketumsee had agreed with the government agent to keep his people permanently
in the Valley because he believed that the Comanches' wild way of life was
doomed: the buffalo herd from which the tribe drew its strength was being
rapidly destroyed in its summer ranges by the whites; the deer and antelope
were rapidly disappearing; strange, deadly diseases were decimating the
population of the tribe and behind the guns of the blue-coat soldiers, the
whites were invading Comanche lands from very direction on the compass.
while Lee sat in Ketumsee's lodge, the land surrounding the valley of the Clear
Fork was being staked by land companies for sale to immigrants who were
arriving in hordes at Fort Belknap. The alternatives left to the Comanches,
Ketumsee saw, were two: attack and kill as many whites as possible before the American
soldiers were able to penetrate the deep northern zones of the high Plains and
destroy the people in their lodges, or be confined somewhere under guard by the
American Army and live at its will.
choice was good. The northern Plains tribes, like the Sioux and Cheyennes, might live free through another generation, but by 1856 the Comanches already
were so tightly boxed in by the Americans that sustained resistance was
impossible. Peaceful coexistence was equally impossible. The perennial summer
drought in Texas would make farming impossible; the Americans would supply only
the bare minimum of meat and supplies necessary to keep the people alive, and
when the white settlers ran out of other lands to occupy the Army would move
the Comanches at will to increasingly desolate spots.
saying these things, Ketumsee grunted and leaned forward to peruse Lee's face.
What made Lee the master of the moment and Ketumsee the slave? Lee lived in a
tent. He had people to wash, brush and saddle his horse; cook his meals and
clean his cloths. The government provided his sustenance. Ketumsee lived in a
lodge covered with animal skins. His wives took care of his horses, cooked his
meals, put up and took down the lodge poles and shealting. Nature provided his sustenance.
Ketumsee commanded as many warriors as Lee commanded soldiers. Whatever Lee
learned from white men's books, Ketumsee learned as much from the sun, moon and
piercing gaze dropped slowly from Lee's face, to measure against his own the
breath of Lee's shoulders and the strength of his arms. In hand to hand combat,
Ketumsee was certain he could break through Lee's defenses and crush his skull
with one blow of the war club hanging from the lodge pole, or parry Lee's silly
sword with his lance and drive it with one thrust into Lee's heart. The only
difference between them, which Ketumsee was bound to respect, was the advantage
that guns provide.
in Ketumsee's speech and manner disdain for his presence, Lee abruptly rose to
his feet. His conference with Ketumsee was over. He waited for Ketumsee to
stand up and then he removed himself from the lodge and mounted his horse.
Spurring the horse in a wheel in front of the lodge, he saluted the Comanche
Chieftain and cantered out of the Indian village.
to Camp Cooper and his tent behind Officers Row, General Lee passed the
monotonous months by scouting the Plains for signs of Indian war parties but he
did not find any. In the fall of 1856, he was relieved from duty at Camp Cooper and assigned to court martial duty. General Lee traveled throughout South Texas from one army post to another for seven months until, in April of 1857, he
returned to his tent at Camp Cooper. Shortly thereafter, Albert Sidney
Johnston, who commanded the 2nd Cavalry Regiment, was ordered to take charge of
an Army expedition going to Utah territory to assert United States authority
over the Mormons who occupied the region of the Great Salt Lake. With command
of the regiment falling to him, Lee moved from Camp Cooper to Fort Mason. In October 1857, however, news reached him that his father-in-law, George
Washington Parke Custis, had died and General Lee obtained a leave of absence
and returned to Washington.
next morning, I was up at dawn and drove to Fort Mason. When I reached the
south end of the town, I turned the Lincoln onto a one lane road which leads up
to the crest of a ridge line where the grounds of the old fort are located.
Nothing remains as evidence of the old fort today except a replica of the
regimental commander's quarters. It is a small building with four square rooms
with a veranda which sits on the north side of the hill.
walked through the open passageway between the rooms to the veranda and scanned
the surrounding terrain through binoculars. Over the rooftops of the buildings
around the town square, I could see the white gravel road I had used to drive
through the San Saba Hills as it breaks over the highest of the hills and
swings down along Comanchecreek toward the north end of town. 150 years have
passed since the fort was an
active Calvary station, but the hot, white sky and the
dry creeks and stubby trees scattered across the steps of the hills in front of
me gave a sense of the harsh loneliness of a soldier's life.
Lee was a man who preferred to live alone. If he was in a city he tended to
visit with the ladies in the mornings, but when other men would socialize
around a hotel bar in the afternoons, he would pass the time alone in his room.
If he was in the wilderness, when other men would come together to play cards
and talk politics, General Lee would get in the saddle and ride for hours down
the trails, or he would go inside his tent and sit at his camp desk and read.
He was a man that believed a disastrous change in circumstance might occur in
the breath of time it takes to snap one's fingers. He did not worry about
things he could not change, but was content to use the means put under his
control to accomplish what he could according to his private notions of what
was right and just.
at his camp desk in his tent on the prairie, writing his letters to his wife, Mary,
General Lee might have pondered deeply the ways and means of solving the
problem of slavery and, like the politicians and the preachers of his time, perhaps
couldn't see any peaceful way for the Nation to get rid of it.
Africans of the 1850's were indispensable to the economic prosperity of the
Slave states: their labor produced the whole amount of the domestic product of
the South of which cotton, rice and tobacco amounted to more than half of the
exports of the United States. The contingent value of their future labor made
them the subject of legal collateral for bank loans and mortgages and the means
of transferring wealth from one generation to another. The evils of slavery
fostered in them physical, moral and intellectual habits which, in the minds of
the whole people of the United States at the time, disqualified them from the
possession of the civil rights enjoyed by everyone else. If they were to be
suddenly emancipated, without compensation to their owners, a great source of
capital would vanish and the economic stability of the South would collapse.
Once emancipated how were the Africans to live? How were the whites to live?
1857, the people of the South felt deeply in their hearts the aggressions of
the people of the North, whose conduct showed them to be mean-spirited
hypocrites bent on destroying the prosperity of the South. The people of the Free states refused to obey the Fugitive Slave Law enacted by Congress as part of the
supreme law of the land; saying, in effect, to the African slaves: "This
law is no law, it is your right to resist it to the death." The people of
the Free States heaped invective and ridicule upon the people of the South,
while at the same time they refused to accept the migration of free Africans
into their communities; assigning those few who seeped into their states to
live as outcasts in the dark and obscure recesses of their cities. They deprived
the few Africans they tolerated in their midst, of the right to vote, the right
to assemble, the right to associate, the right to speak freely and the right to
share equally in the municipal services of the community.
destructive to the relations between the sections, not once in the entire
history of the debates in the Senate, made by the great men of the Age, did
any senator stand up and say that the existence of slavery in the South was a national social problem,
to be solved by the Congress establishing the means to maintain the economy of
the South while its labor force was disrupted by emancipation, and by the
people of the North sharing mutually in the process of integrating the freed
Africans into the whole social and political life of the Nation.
the message the people of the South received from the rantings of the Black
Republicans and the Abolitionist press was that after emancipation destroyed
the economy of the South, the people of the North meant to bottle up the freed
Africans in the South and leave it to reconstruct the fabric of its social and
economic life alone. Sitting alone in his tent, or taking solitary rides on the
plains, General Lees mind must certainly have turned to the futility of the
union continuing and his thoughts to the coming war.
sun was on its downward course when I left the shelter of the veranda and
turned the Lincoln back toward the prairie. Rolling down state highway 386, I
came onto 71 at the edge of Mason County and reached the turnoff to the country
road that led to the cabin on the San Saba. As I turned onto the gravel river
road I saw a sign for the village of Voca, Texas, and followed the dirt road it
pointed to, leading off toward the northwest and the open prairie.
turned out to be an intersection on the prairie with several weathered frame
houses with junk rusting in their yards. Beyond the houses, down a white gravel
path, I saw a black man on a mowing machine in a graveyard. When I entered the
grounds I could see that it held less than fifty graves, some marked with
modest headstones, others with concrete bricks marked as "unknown."
The surnames on the stones showed that the decedents were limited to a handful
of families and with the majority of the graves, the dates of death fell in the
decade of the 1880's. The "unknowns" were probably from an earlier
time when they met their death while just passing by. I searched up and down
the four short ranks of stones, but could find no evidence of the remains of
anyone who had lived and died on the prairie before 1880. The Comanche buried
their dead in pits on the peaks of the mountains and hills on the fringes of
the prairie, but were did the early settlers of the Texas hill country bury
walked back across the grass lawn of the tiny prairie cemetery, past the row of
graves with their unknown occupants to the white Lincoln. Grasshoppers
scattered in every direction with each foot fall. The black man had finished
his work and had wheeled his mower machine away from the cemetery, down a faint
track in the grass to a shed some distance away.
waved and smiled at each other when I had stepped aside to let him pass between
the unknown graves. I stood for a moment leaning on the open car door in the
glare of the sun, deep in its downward arc, and looked back over my shoulder at
the cemetery stones. Does it really matter, I thought, who the unknown people
were buried there? They were probably all white men and women and children
whose parents were born in Tennessee or Missouri and came westward in wagons to
Texas to farm alone on the prairie. The people rose with the first morning
light, worked hard at their chores day after day through the seasons, and went
to their beds at sundown usually satisfied. I looked around at the flat
treeless, empty land that stretched away in all directions to the horizon and
felt the bliss of isolation which the pioneers walked hundreds of miles to
reach. Out here a hundred years ago there was nothing to disturb domestic
tranquility except an Indian or two.
Lee returned to Texas, in February 1860. He was under orders from General Scott
to assume temporary command of the Military Department of Texas. He reached San
Antonio on February 21, 1860 and rented a room in Mrs. Phillips's boardinghouse
located on the Plaza near the Alamo. He was to remain in Texas almost one year
to the day.
he was not engaged in military duties, which took him on missions during the
year to different points along the Rio Grande, General Lee spent his time alone
either in his room or walking along the San Antonio river or horseback riding
in the countryside. Everyone around him, whether civilian or army officer,
sensed an aloofness in his introverted demeanor which discouraged them from
attempting to gain his friendship. General Lee had good reason to appear
publicly in San Antonio with a grave, cold dignity. The conduct of the
politicians, daily reported in the newspapers he read, made plain the
disintegrating stability of the country. When politicians cannot settle the
people's disputes, soldiers do. Everybody around him wanted to know what he
would do when the time for the soldiers came.
time of Lees return to Texas, Brigadier general David E. Twiggs, was living at
New Orleans ostensibly on leave of absence, but effectively retired from
active duty because of his advanced age and very poor health. Twiggs, a
Georgian, was one of only four general officers of the line on the Army's
roster at that time. John Wool, a Northerner of advanced age, and William
Hardee, a Southerner, were two of the others. Wool and Hardee were also
brigadier generals but they were junior to Twiggs in rank. The fourth general
officer was Lieutenant General Winfield Scott, the country's most celebrated
general after Washington at that time.
Wool and Hardee, Twiggs became a brigadier general as a consequence of his
service in the war with Mexico. In 1846, as a colonel of the Dragoons, Twiggs
led Zachary Taylor's Army on its advance from North Texas to the Rio Grande and commanded the right wing during the Army's successful battle with Santa Ana's forces at Palo Alto. After Santa Ana withdrew from Taylor's front and marched
to confront General Scott who had landed an army at Vera Cruz on the Gulf
coast, Twiggs was promoted to brigadier general. At that time he transferred to
General Scott's Army and led the right wing on its advance around Santa Ana's left flank at a mountain pass near the town of Cerro Gordo. During the
subsequent battles around Mexico City, Twiggs commanded Scott's left wing at
Contreras and Churubusco and he led the attack which resulted in the capture of
the city. When the Army withdrew from Mexico after Santa Ana's capitulation,
Twiggs commanded the Department of the West with headquarters in St. Louis. When the department was divided, in 1857, General Twiggs took command of the
new Department of Texas where he remained until he took his leave of absence
and retired to New Orleans, in 1859. He died in early 1862.
1860, General Scott had been on active duty in the United States Army longer
than any other officer on the roster. He was 74 years old and, like Twiggs, in
poor health. Born on a farm in the tidewater region of Virginia, General Scott
entered the Army in 1808 with the rank of captain, and quickly rose to become
the youngest of the Army's three brigadier-generals in 1814. Severely wounded
in the War of 1812 at the Battle of Lundy's Lane, Scott recovered to become a
major-general, in 1816. After marrying into the Mayo family of Richmond, Virginia, Scott was given command of the Third Department which covered the
northeastern seaboard and he removed his family to New York City. In addition
to the War of 1812, Scott also commanded armed forces in the Black Hawk War,
the Seminole Wars and the war with Mexico. In 1841, Scott became
general-in-chief of the Army. In 1852, he was nominated for President by the
Whig Party on an anti-slavery platform but lost the election to Franklin
before Lincoln's election as President, on November 6, 1860, Twiggs reported to Scott that he was ready to resume active duty. On November 13th, Captain
A.C. Meyers, an assistant quartermaster stationed at New Orleans, wrote to
Twiggs to inform him that General Scott had ordered him to return to the
command of the Department of Texas. Meyers's letter to Twiggs reads,
here is your order to command in Texas. Secession seems to progress. Georgia has raised the colonial flag. We must have trouble."
enclosed with his letter special order No. 133 dated November 7th, issued by
Lt. Colonel Lorenzo Thomas, acting as an assistant adjutant general on the
Headquarters staff of General Scott which was located in New York City at that
time. The special order reads,
reported for duty, Bvt. Maj. Gen. David E. Twiggs will proceed without delay to
San Antonio and resume the command of the Department of Texas.
By Order of
Lt.General Winfield Scott."
letter General Lee wrote on November 24th to his son, Custis, who was stationed
at Washington, shows that, after Twiggs received Special Order No. 133, he
informed Lee he was returning to duty. In his letter, Lee said,
. . I am looking daily for the arrival of General Twiggs, a letter from whom
was received a week since saying he was about returning to resume the command
of the Department. I shall soon be turning my face to the Comanche country, but
to what point I cannot say till the arrival of General Twiggs."
Twiggs appeared at San Antonio Barracks and relieved General Lee of the command
of the Department, his first action was to order General Lee to proceed to Fort Mason and assume command of the 2nd Calvary Regiment. Twiggs's second action was to
begin to bombard General Scott with letters asking what was to be done with the
Federal Government's public property when Texas seceded.
day after Twigg's return to San Antonio, General Lee wrote to Custis Lee and
Twiggs thinks the Union will be dissolved in six weeks, and that he will then
return to New Orleans. If I thought so I would not take the trouble to go to
Mason, but return to you now. I hope, however, the wisdom and patriotism of the
country will devise some way of saving it, and that a kind Providence has not
yet turned away from us."
a peculiar circumstance that, just after Lincoln's election as President,
General Twiggs returned to active duty and assumed command of the Department of
Texas. Twiggs was 70 years old and in poor health when he took his leave of
absence, in 1859. General Lee was 53 years old, in excellent health and he had
efficiently commanded the Department of Texas for 12 months; by any objective
criteria, he was fully capable of carrying out any orders regarding the
protection of the Army property and forces when Texas seceded. Furthermore,
while Lee and Twiggs were both Southerners to the core and would both follow
their States out of the Union, General Scott knew, in November 1860, that
Georgia as a Gulf State would secede from the Union months before Virginia and,
thus, Lee, in command in Texas, would be far less affected by his status as a
Southern man than would Twiggs.
the available record, it seems obvious that General Scott's order placing
Twiggs in command in Texas was based on political and personal considerations,
not military ones. A week before Lincoln's election, Scott had sent a letter to
President Buchanan that described the distribution in the United States of the armed forces under his command and it identified several military
installations in the South which were not sufficiently garrisoned to repel
attack. The letter also disclosed that Scott generally concurred with the view
of politicians from the Border States, like Bell, Breckinridge and Crittendon,
that under the Constitution the Federal Government possessed no powers which
could be used legitimately to coerce a State to adhere to the Union. In Scott's
view, the exercise of the war power by the Federal Government against the South
could only be justified if the secession of a group of states cut off the
territorial connection between the States remaining in the Union.
time that General Scott disclosed these views in his letter to Buchanan, Army
regulations specified that the Adjutant General of the Army was responsible for
maintaining a complete record of communications between the President, the
Secretary of War, the General-in-Chief and all department and field commanders.
The mechanism employed to maintain the completeness of this record was to
assign to an officer on the staff headquarters of each commander in the chain
of command, the duty to act as an assistant to the Adjutant General. The
officer assigned the duty of acting as an assistant was required to obtain an
exact copy of each original order or other communication issued by the
headquarters staff and forward it to the Adjutant General in Washington.
the ordinary operation of this system of documentation, neither the President
nor the Secretary of War ordinarily issued orders of military consequence
directly to commanders in the field; instead, they issued instructions to the
General-in-Chief and through his staff he issued orders to the officers in the
field. In the 1880's, the War Department published a large set of books
entitled, Official Records of the Rebellion, which contain all written
military communications connected to the Civil War which the Adjutant General's
system of documentation preserved. Whether by intention or accident, some
communications between the army headquarters staffs and field officers on both
sides of the Civil War were not preserved by the system. Neither the original
or a copy of General Scott's order returning Twiggs to command of the
Department of Texas, for instance, can be found to exist anywhere in the
records of the Federal Government.
impetus for Twiggs's return to duty seems to have been Lincoln's election. In
late October or early November, 1860, General Scott became aware that Texas politicians, like Senator Louis Wigfall, were lobbying Secretary of War, John Floyd,
to substitute Colonel Albert Sidney Johnston in place of General Lee in the
command of the Department of Texas. The only explanation for Wigfall's interest
in replacing Lee with Johnston seems to be the fact that Johnston was a citizen
of Texas and Lee was not. After Johnston graduated from West Point, in 1826, he
resigned from the U.S. Army and immigrated to Texas in the 1830's. In 1836, he
was commissioned a brigadier general in the Army of Texas and after Texas won its independence from Mexico, in 1838, he was appointed Secretary of War of the
new Republic of Texas. When the United States annexed Texas, in 1849, Johnston obtained a commission in the U.S. Army as a paymaster with the rank of Major. In
1855, he was made colonel of the newly formed 2nd Cavalry. In 1857, Johnston was breveted a brigadier general and made commander of the Department of Utah
where he remained until he returned to Washington in the summer of 1860. Given
his connections to Texas, Wigfall probably thought that Johnston would be more
willing than Lee to accede to a demand by secessionists to give up the property
of the Federal Government.
Colonel Johnston was informed of Floyd's suggestion that he go to Texas, Johnston's reaction was negative. Like most of the soldiers in the Army from either
side of the Mason-Dixon Line, he knew that Lincoln's election would probably
result in disunion between the States. In the event he accepted the command of
the Department of Texas, Johnston's duty as an officer in the United States
Army would be to protect and defend the military property of the Federal
Government. This duty would bring him into direct conflict with the interest of
the Texans to seize the military property of the Army and force out the troops.
Johnston's attitude was that his duty as an Army officer trumped his sense of
connection to Texas and, therefore, if he accepted the assignment blood would
be shed in an attempt to take the Federal property.
Johnston was determined to avoid being placed in a position where he would be duty-bound
to forcibly resist an act of aggression made by Texas against the Army. He
quickly visited General Scott in New York and requested that he be assigned to
duty some place else. After communication with Floyd, Scott issued orders which
sent Johnston to California to assume command of the Department of the Pacific.
Johnston's refusal to take General Lee's place as commander of the Department
of Texas, in 1860, forced Secretary of War Floyd and Senator Wigfall to look
for another candidate who might be trusted to passively give up the Federal
military property in Texas. By a process of elimination, the only likely
candidate left was David Twiggs. All the other senior line officers were either
sympathetic to the North or were entrenched in important positions they would not
willingly give up for the Department of Texas.
it was Floyd and Wigfall or General Scott, who solicited Twiggs to return to
active duty, the record does not show. No correspondence exists in the records
of the Rebellion which explain how Twiggs came to report for duty. Neither does
it contain a copy of Scott's special order 133, ordering the transfer of the
department's command from Lee to Twiggs, which was filed and preserved by the
Adjutant General's staff in the ordinary course of its work. A copy of Scott's
order does exist but it was discovered The only copy of the order in existence
is one Colonel Meyers enclosed with his November 6, 1860 letter to Twiggs. Meyers's letter with its enclosure was discovered in a search of the residence in New Orleans, in 1863, which Twiggs lived in prior to his death in 1862.
personal relationship with General Lee began in 1846 when he worked as an
engineer on Scott's headquarters staff in the war with Mexico. During that time Scott bestowed three brevets of rank on Lee for his conspicuous
service. Later, during General Lee's years as Superintendent of West Point,
Scott spent much social time in his company. From his personal contact with
Lee, Scott must have known that as Anderson did at Charleston, Lee would resist
attempts to seize the military property of the Department of Texas if he was in
command when Texas adopted an ordinance of secession. In a letter to his son,
Custis, written the day after Twiggs relieved him of command, General Lee made
plain he would react like Anderson did to threats of coercion when he wrote,
I wish to do what is right, I am unwilling to do what is wrong, either at the
bidding of the South or North."
In deciding to remove Lee from command in Texas, Scott must have calculated, not only how Lee would react to coercion but also the
consequences of reaction. The tactical situation confronting General Lee in Texas was very much different from that which Anderson confronted at Charleston. Anderson was in command of about 65 artillerymen in possession of a practically
impregnable bastion loaded with heavy guns and surrounded by water. Under Lee's
command in Texas, there were 22 companies of infantry, 10 companies of cavalry
and 5 companies of artillery stationed in over twenty forts scattered across
1,200 miles of the Texas landscape manning two lines of defense; one guarding
against Mexican invasions from the south and the other guarding against
Comanche invasions from the north.
certain event of the secession of Texas, Scott knew it was ridiculous for the
Federal Government to expect that it could garrison the Texas forts. The only
rational strategy to adopt would be to concentrate the garrisons as rapidly as
possible and march the columns north through Indian Country to the forts in Kansas. Assuming that the garrisons had the means to transport sufficient supplies to
sustain themselves on the long march out of Texas, early movement of the Army
regulars would probably be successful but Scott knew the Texans would be
harassing their columns until the Red River was crossed. Given the political
confusion within the Buchanan Administration at the time, however, General
Scott could not reasonably have expected his civilian superiors to authorize
the Army's early movement out of Texas. Since Lee could not evacuate Texas without orders, Scott had to decide whether or not to force Lee into making an early
choice between his duty as an officer in the United States Army and his
connection to the South.
with his handling of Sidney Johnston's request to go to California instead of Texas, General Scott could not ignore the fact that under the circumstances confronting Lee
in Texas, the nature of the duty an Army officer owed the United States was far from clear. On March 15, 1855, as he was leaving his position as
Superintendent of West Point, General Lee accepted Congress's commission as a
Lieutenant-colonel of the line. At that time he executed the following Oath of
Allegiance proscribed by the Army Regulations as approved by the Congress of
the United States.
I, Robert E. Lee, appointed a Lieutenant Colonel of the
Second Regiment of Cavalry in the Army of the United States, do solemnly swear
that I will bear true allegiance to the United States of America and that I will
serve them honestly and faithfully against all their enemies or opposers
whatsoever; and observe and obey the orders of the President of the United
States, and the orders of the officers appointed over me, according to the
Rules and Articles for the government of the Armies of the United States.
Lee Bt. Col. U.S.A.
reason most Americans of Lincoln's time did not expect the politicians in
control of the Federal Government to coalesce behind a policy of war against
the South was that they did not think of the United States as a single
indivisible nation; they thought of the United States as a voluntary union of
States; each made up of people who were sovereign in their own right. How then
could any one who read the terms of the Oath of Allegiance to the United States reasonably believe that General Lee was obligated to serve them
against their enemy when their enemy was his State? Seeing
nothing to be gained in forcing Lee to make a choice between defending the
interest of the North or the interest of the South, Scott twice in six months
used his power to keep Lee neutral.
On the night of February 15, 1861, Ben McCulloch, a famous old Texas Ranger, was camped with 500 men on the banks of the Salado River, five miles northeast of San Antonio on the Austin Road. Several days earlier,
agents of the Texas Legislature had commissioned him a colonel in the Texas
Militia and he was ordered to seize the Federal Property at San Antonio. At 3:00 a.m., on the 16th, Colonel McCulloch took half his force and marched toward the town,
reaching the suburbs at 4:00 a.m. As the eastern sky began to lighten, his men
appeared in two and threes on the dusty downtown streets; converging on the
intersection of St. Mary's and Houston Streets, they surrounded a cluster of
buildings and warehouses where the U.S. Arsenal was located. Soldiers of the
8th Infantry Regiment were on guard duty on the perimeter of the Arsenal and
watched the approach of McCulloch's men, but they barked no warnings and no
shots were fired. When it became clear that the soldiers did not intend to
resist McCulloch's seizure of the Arsenal grounds, some of his men peeled off
from the main body and went down to the Main Plaza and took possession of the
later, in the blazing heat of midafternoon, General Lee' appeared from the
chaparral in a traveling wagon and entered a dirt street which ran toward San
Antonio between rows of neat, square finished houses. The street was packed
with hard looking horsemen mounted on strong bodied animals with Spanish
saddles. On the curbs of the street and in the doorways of the houses the
German townspeople were standing gawking at the packs of moving horsemen.
General Lee ignored the looks of the horsemen who suddenly veered their horses
to make a quick look at Lee and the interior of the wagon before they peeled
back out of the way.
street widened into the Main Plaza which was filled with Mexicans milling about
in a warren of stalls; venders in the stalls were hawking their wares for sale
and smells of frying onions and chicken meat wafted across the Plaza from small
pit fires being worked by black-haired women squatting under the walls of the Alamo. Going by the battered Baroque facade of the Alamo, General Lee passed through the
Plaza and giving his mules a slight shake of the reins, he turned the wagon to
the west to roll by a cluster of windowless low walled adobe buildings crowding
against the corner of the old mission building. At the far side of the Plaza,
General Lee crossed the San Antonio River on a flat wooden bridge and entered
the American part of the old town and went down Commerce Street to a side
street; half way down the block he brought the mules to a stop in front of the
fenced lawn of Mrs. Phillips's boarding house.
Negro boy dressed in baggy brown trousers and a white flannel shirt jumped up
from a bench on the porch and opened the door.
Phillips," the boy hollered through the doorway before bounding down the
steps. "Cur'nul Lee es hyar!"
in the seat, General Lee reached into the wagon and hauled out a valise and got
down from the wagon, swatted the dust from his uniform with his hat and,
leaving the black boy to tend the mules, he climbed the porch steps at the
greeting of Mrs. Phillips who had appeared at the door and followed her inside.
Several hours later, he reappeared in the street wearing civilian clothes and
walked up the sidewalk and crossed Commerce Street and went into a two story
stone building with large glass windows. He went down a hallway several doors
until he found one with a sign in gilt lettering, "Vance & Co.,
steamship agent" and went inside. Later in the day, two men came to Mrs.
Phillips and trundled a large steamer trunk away on a flat, two-wheel cart for
shipment on a steamer bound for New York.
next day, February 18, General Lee left San Antonio and went in a stagecoach to
Indianola where he boarded a packet steamer that steamed up Matagorda Bay and
through Cavalo Pass into the Gulf of Mexico. Running close to the curving shoreline
of Texas and Louisiana, the steamer made its way northward until it reached the
Mississippi delta and slowly edged its way over the bar of the Southwest Pass
and steamed through the channel, by the head of the Passes and into the main
channel of the Mississippi River and continued on 100 miles to New Orleans.
Twenty miles up the river, the steamer passed Plaquemine Bend where the arc of
the guns in the casements of two star forts, Fort Jackson and Fort St. Phillip,
command the passage of the river for a mile and a half. In the early evening of
February 20, the steamer came slowly round Slaughter House Point, bringing into
view a mass of low wooden houses with flat roofs, pierced by the domes of the
Custom House and City Hall and the church spires of New Orleans.
great volumes of black smoke tumbling out of the steamboat's chimneys, the
captain struck a few strokes on a big bell and swung the steamboat's helm hard
over as the starboard paddle wheel slowly stopped turning and then sharply
reversed its direction, churning the water to foam. Its head now turned in the
stream, the vessel slipped gently through the river eddies toward an empty slot
in the line of wharfs that stretched along the river bank as far as the eye
could see. A broad stage had been run out over the port bow and an Irish deck
hand stood on the end of it and threw a rope toward a gang of black men who
came running along the wedges of landing piers jutting out from the wharf.
Another deck hand standing against the bulwark of the boat threw a hawser to
the men on the piers. The black men seized the ropes and tied them off on
stanchions as the steamboat came to rest; then a mad scramble began as groups
of laborers worked to secure the stage to the wharf and climb on board to move
the luggage of the passengers off the boat.
Lee, carrying his weathered black leather valise, came off the vessel first.
Despite the deepening shadows covering the wharfs, masses of black men were
busy at work: black longshoremen with glistening faces were wrestling huge 500
pound bales of cotton off of stacks seven tiers high onto low wheeled wooden
carts and trundling them in a dozen different directions toward the steamboats
that crammed the wharfs; others were rolling barrels filled with sugar and molasses
down gang planks and onto the broad cobblestone street that separated the
wharfs from the pack of houses that made up the city; black draymen sat in the
seats of their long, flat carts waiting at the curbs to pull up to a line of
loading docks piled high with crates and boxes and barrels. Large carriages
filled with finely dressed people, some of them black men and women, rumbled
back and forth, in and out of the warren of streets. When General Lee reached
the head of the wharf, he took in the scene around him with a glance, and
stepped off the curb and disappeared into the sea of pedestrians of innumerable
shades of color swarming the intersections of the streets. Ten days later, he
came home to Arlington.